Liberty and Equality follow Fraternity

When P.W Botha’s storm troopers were cutting down innocent schoolchildren with machine-gun fire, cracking whips over the heads of peaceful demonstrators and unleashing vicious dogs on fleeing crowds, we Zimbabweans were undoubtedly enraged. With the memory of our own struggle against a brutal apartheid regime fresh in our memory, we opened our arms to those evading the menace of harassment, arrest and even murder.

For the past ten years now, we Zimbabweans have sought refuge in South Africa from a new but equally perilous threat in our own country. We acknowledge with deep appreciation the sacrifices that the people of South Africa have made to accommodate us as our struggle against dictatorship continues.

Unfortunately, criminal gangs are attacking foreigners in South Africa and now this wave of despicable xenophobia has reached almost every corner of that country. Since mid-May, 50 people have been killed and over 25,000 displaced according to media reports.

Zimbabweans form the largest group of foreigners who live in South Africa and while news of the violence spread almost as quickly as the attacks themselves, little news about Zimbabweans’ reactions has been published.

When I checked my email on a sleepy morning last weekend, I was intrigued to get a sense of the emotions that are circulating in the Zimbabwean community. I was unsurprised to read strong expressions of shock and anger directed at the perpetrators of the attacks. What did surprise me were the measures being proposed in reaction to this crisis.

I opened a forwarded email titled “They are burning us alive in RSA” to see the depiction of a person on all fours burning in the street whilst surrounding police endeavored to extinguish the all consuming flames. That same email was promoting a boycott of “South African events and businesses” as a way to make a stand against “these barbaric Zulus.”

Surely, Zimbabweans of all people ought to understand the danger of perpetuating violent xenophobia. Our history is saturated with examples of fear and hate of the “other”. From colonial domination to the current oppressive state of nationalism in Zimbabwe, the claws of division have brought our nation to its knees. If such a campaign takes hold our nation will fall from its knees to the fetal position and draw its final breath.

Those who would take an eye for an eye must to ask themselves whether the strategy of attacking South African business is in their own interest. Moreover, the extent to which that community has the power to address the immediate concerns of Zimbabweans living in that country is at best, unknown.

Indeed, there is an economic undertone to the attacks on foreigners in South Africa. Its people are increasingly becoming impatient with the lack of material improvements in their lives since the end of apartheid. Again, as Zimbabweans we can identify better than anyone else with the problem of neo-colonialism. But, when in our rage we lose sight of history’s lessons, we open the door to mistakes of historical proportions. Disrupting the economy and creating a more adverse situation for South Africans can only compound our own precarious position as guests in their country.

On Saturday May 24, thousands in South Africa took to the streets to protest against the violence. This is the glimmer of hope to which we must not be blinded. Now is the time to seek out and cling to those who share our revulsion for the emerging abuses in South Africa for it is through our South African allies alone that our message can be sent to the political leadership of that country.

We can never forget that the people of South Africa and Zimbabwe have a long history of shared struggle and that the spirit of unity must be nurtured because the struggle is still ongoing. Gwede Mantashe, Secretary General of the ANC, recently recalled on the ANC website that:

“Our neighbors were collectively punished by the Apartheid regime for harboring the cadres of the ANC.”

Zimbabweans too must never forget that more recently, the people of South Africa have stood firmly behind us in our opposition to the abuses and xenophobia of Robert Mugabe. The South African leadership’s impotence in dealing with him has baffled its own people as much as it has us and it is not farfetched to conclude that their desire for their leaders to come up to speed is as strong as ours.

South Africans and Zimbabweans are inextricably bound up by the ropes of cultural and political history and anything less than fraternal relations dooms us all.

Revolutionaries must be mobile!

Zimbabweans in the Diaspora have shown their revolutionary ingenuity yet again. Following the campaign which saw the deportation of the regime's children from Australia, a new phone based campaign has begun. The phone numbers and addresses of government ministers and Zanu PF officials have been published on the internet in the hope that Zimbabweans all over the world will call or write to express the common desire that election results be released once and for all.

I will enclose the bootlickers' information below in the hopes of intensifying the campaign. I urge you all to contribute!

The original posting was found on http://zimbabwesituation.com/apr18c_2008.html#Z16.

Hamuyarira Nathan SHAMUYARIRA : 04 862073 67 RUBIDGE CL BORROWDALE

SAMUEL MUMBENGEGWI MUMBENGEGWI S C: 04 88293022 STOUR ROAD VAINONA BORROWDALE

CHIMUTENGWENDE C C C: 04 2513868 SAN FERNANDO 130 FIFE AVE HARARE

CHIHURI AUGUSTINE: 04 862410431 BINTON RD BORROWDALE

Mnangagwa - 011 605700

OFFICE OF PRESIDENT 04 252440 MUNHUMUTAPA BLDG S MACHEL AVE HARARE

Francis Nhema: 04 8829263 FARTHINGHILL P O BORROWDALE

BVUDZIJENA WAYNE: 04 88497175 SRONECHAT LANE BORROWDALE

CHIYANGWA P HON: 04 8831488 HOBOURNE HILL BALLANTYNE PARK HARARE

KANGAI K M: 04 86194425 GLENFOREST RD BORROWDALE HARARE

MANGWANA P M: 04 7978459 BATH RD AVONDALE

TOBAIWA MUDEDE MUDEDE T: 04 860033903 TOP CLOSE HATCLIFFE BORROWDALE

O. MUCHINGURI(mugabe's ex-girlfriend): 020 618404 BAHUNIA CLOSE MUTARE

CIO boss BONYONGWE H: 04 49784976 ORANGE GROVE DR HIGHLANDS

Ministry of CIO NICHOLAS T.GOCHE: 0718 2204CERES FARM SHAMVA 0718 2205

SEKERAMAI S T THE HON: 04 860042

MADE J M: 04 492982101 HARARE DR ATHLONE HARARE

CHOMBO I DR HON: 067 25297221 CHITOMBORWIZI CHINHOYI

MUJURU JOICE T.R: 04 44306218 COGHLAN RD GREENDALE

BARWE REUBEN: 04 74024551 LAWLEY AVE BELVEDERE HARARE

MSIKA J W (Vice PRESIDENT): 04 88309711 NIGELS LANE HIGHLANDS

Dydimus MUTASA(CIO): 02582 2087STD NO. 201 HEADLANDS

Saviour Kasukuwere:04 36944419 TWICKENHAM DR MT PLEASANT

Patreck Chinamasa (this one crafting all the laws to oppress the masses):04 8600062 HONEY BEAR LANE BORROWDALE HARARE

Joseph Chinotimba(War vet idiot): 04 614826

State House Office of the President:700071, 700073-76, 700098, 701947, 701956, 708682, 708690, 708691, 708712

Police CommisionerAugustine Chihuri: 250008/792621/ 700171

Home Affairs MinisterKembo Mohadi: 011-605424/ 430422/ 794628/ 703695Text him 011-605424

State Security MinisterDidymus Mutasa: 011200532-774189

Resident Governor for Matabeleland Cain Matema: cell no: 011871431Work no: 09 887596 .

ZVINAVASHE VITALIS: 062 2371 or 062 3007MERTON PARK FARM NORTON

CHIWENGA CONSTANINO GUVEY: 04 862530614 NICK PRICE RD BORROWDALE HARARE

MORE NUMBERS ONhttp://www.telone.co.zw

Amos Midzi: 04 301712

Charm Muchinguri: 04 496629

Minister of Economic Development Sylvester Nguni: 04-862032 / 04-862035

Obert Mpofu: 09 246060Bulawayo CID: 09 884132

SAMUEL MUMBENGEGWI: 04 88293022 STOUR ROAD VAINONA BORROWDALE

Shamuyarira Nathan: 04 86207367 RUBIDGE CL BORROWDALE

MPOFU OBERT 04 852033/42501 GAYDON RD GREYSTONE PARK BORROWDALE

Lt Co, Mazaiwana: 04 741 604

Chihuri cell is: +26311808290

Bvudzijena cell is: +26311801172Lt Co Sedze L: 04 860533

Herald House and ask for the Editor: 708296 / 704088 / 794893 / 705199Lt Tsodzai: 04 860 953

Made: 04 860 953

CHIHURI AUGUSTINE: 04 862410

Chihuri cell: +263 11808290

CHIWENGA: 04 862530

BUKA FLORA :04 74534214270 STRAKER AVE GUNHILL HARARe

BONYONGWE Happyton ( CIO director): 04 49784976 ORANGE GROVE DR HIGHLANDS

Here are some FAX numbers:

President's Office: +263 4 708848

Fidelity Printers: +263 4 486474RBZ: +263 4 707800 / +263 4 706450

Min. Info & Pub: +263 4 790402 / +263 4 707768

Min. Ind & Int Trade: +263 4 704116 / +263 4 729311

Min. Of Chombo: +263 4 792307

UPDATING NUMBERS....

Gono's Office: 703096

Presidential guard: 707745 or 707451---2156

In the name of the revolution

“Always bear in mind that people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children” - Amilcar Cabral

Few Zimbabweans were surprised when General Constantine Chiwenga, Commander of the Zimbabwean Defense Forces, declared that the army would “not support or salute sell-outs and agents of the West before, during and after the presidential elections.” He was after all merely following in the footsteps of his predecessor who had said those exact words before the previous presidential election.

During this time Robert Mugabe’s election machine was in full swing, spewing out familiar Liberation war rhetoric. Again Zimbabweans could not have been surprised. The only extraordinary thing about the campaign was that it was largely non-violent, leading some to contemplate what was previously unimaginable - an opposition victory. Still, when asked how he viewed his election prospects President Mugabe responded by saying he felt “Overconfident!”

Election Day has come and gone and Mugabe’s overconfidence has been emphatically affirmed. His response to the vote of no confidence has been violently swift and Zimbabweans have given leave to their expressions of surprise because the familiar has returned. Following March 29, the results began to trickle in. Then that trickle diminished to a drop after lonely drop and today the Zimbabwe Election Commission has completely abandoned the pretence of quenching the popular democratic thirst. The Movement for Democratic Change’s (MDC) Secretary General, Tendai Biti, called the silence “deafening”. That silence is continuing amid the din of thrashing batons, breaking bones, desperate cries and slamming prison gates.

Mr. Mugabe’s venture into the heights of defiance continues to wow the world. He recently reminded his lieutenants, “The land is ours; it must not be allowed to slip back into the hands of whites.” As regards democracy and consent, the baby and the bathwater were both thrown out a long time ago. Now, Mr. Mugabe has been reduced to cloaking his continuing illegitimate rule with a tattered brand of Liberation mythology of which he claims exclusive authorship. Unfortunately, the gallery of African leaders to whom he plays is unlikely, even now, to challenge him in a serious way.

Much of the recent election coverage focused on those in the rural areas who historically have been Mugabe’s staunchest supporters. While many seem to recognize that the hardships of daily life that they face can be attributed to his rule they also seem hesitant to betray the figure that brought the country to independence. Clearly, what is needed is for the Liberation struggle to be recast into a new framework. Zanu PF’s grip on power will only be overcome when an historical interpretation other than its own is asserted, substantiated, and accepted by regional leaders and more importantly, by Zimbabweans themselves. This new outlook would represent the first step toward the complete ideological isolation of Mr. Mugabe and Zanu PF.

But the problem of reclaiming the legacy of our struggle from one of Africa’s heroes of decolonization remains. How do we solve it? The answer lies close to Mugabe himself because what is needed is to rediscover what classical revolutionary theory and practice says about the nature and ownership of struggle. The extent to which we can demonstrate Zanu PF’s departure from the classics shall determine our own ability to retake our history.

Being influenced by Marxism and socialism as they were, the Liberation movements of the colonial era struggled for the black African to “re-enter history” as Cabral said. In other words, an economic and cultural transformation of society was necessary for true liberation to materialize. The degree to which the transformation was achieved forms an important basis on which the legacy of the war can be reclaimed. Another is to study the agency of revolution or the means by which the opportunity to transform society would be generated. I will not dwell on the degree to which an economic and cultural transformation has occurred. Abuses such as corruption, cronyism, nepotism, neglect of essential social programs, disregard for the law and violent oppression have been well documented. That debate ought to be closed. The focus hereon in will be the study of revolutionary agency and its compatibility with Mr. Mugabe’s interpretive monopoly. The agent is known as people’s war.

Perhaps Mao’s most famous maxim is that of the fish in the ocean. Since the guerrilla army is small and lacking in resources it is unable to withstand a frontal assault by the professional army. It must therefore be extremely mobile, limit itself to ambushes and hit and run tactics and always ensure that it can disperse quickly. To meet these conditions the co-operation of the people is indispensable because they provide the only source of food, medicine, shelter and information. Therefore in order for the struggle to be successful, the guerrilla must be a fish using the expansive sea of people for safety and survival.

The vast majority of African guerrilla leaders, from Cabral to Machel and even Mugabe himself, stressed that the most important aspect of the struggle was the political one because this was the tool with which the ocean would be built. The importance of the political aspect was reflected even in the organizational structure of the liberation movements, with the military command always being subordinated to the political leadership. Furthermore, military units often had a political commissar whose function was to ensure proper interactions between the soldiers and the people. No action could be executed without the commissar’s approval and his rank was equivalent to that of the field commander.

It can be said therefore, with only a cursory review, that ownership of the revolution always was and had to be seen as being shared with the people. In the case of Zimbabwe, there were often violent power struggles within and between competing political hierarchies. Regardless, nominal unity was maintained to safeguard the credibility of the revolution because its success relied on the approval and decisive participation of the masses. The people did not only support the liberation movements in Africa, they filled its ranks and formed the basic unit of its composition.

By attacking democratic institutions, unleashing violence on the people and now ignoring the people’s call for change, the government of Robert Mugabe has undeniably exposed its diametric opposition to the spirit and basic laws of the liberation struggle.

The minimum requirement for breaking the monopoly on the Liberation struggle’s legacy is to substantiate the bid of another. Yet it is clear that we can go much further; we can do more than merely ask that our voice be included. Because after having studied who was decisive to the success of the struggle and after having re-examined upon whom its burden fell heaviest, we can say definitively that the answer is the people. And if we know that there would never have been a revolution without the people, how can anyone accept an interpretation of the revolution that ignores the people? We can do more than ask to be included; we can do more than damn the myths have been erected around what is ours. Finally, we can condemn Mr. Mugabe and Zanu PF as counterrevolutionaries and exclude their discredited myth to the rubbish heap. As the old adage from the struggle goes: Iwe neni tine basa (You and I have work to do)!

What is "moxizim" all about?

Recent events in Zimbabwe have glued us all to our computer screens and television sets because the intrigues of sex, power, betrayal and puffed up egos have been mixed up into a drama of unprecedented proportions.

As Zimbabwe's story has unfolded, it has proven a touchstone for moral and political division, particularly among Africans and we have been forced to pick one villain, Mr Mugabe or Western imperialism. Yet, we find ourselves at an impasse. Even an emphatic vote of no confidence has failed to dislodge Mr. Mugabe from power and it looks as though he may still have some political tools, besides violence, with which to maintain his grip on power.

I believe that one of the causes of the deadlock is the absolute terms in which the debate on Zimbabwe has been framed. Furthermore, that debate has been dominated by views from the right. Mr. Mugabe's opponents are too dismissive of Western influence to the detriment of developing nations and this myopia prevents the generation of a penetrating critique capable of undermining rather than butressing Mr. Mugabe's propaganda. Of what use is the continued attack on Mr. Mugabe on the basis of Western democratic ideals if he is dismissive of and diametrically opposed to those ideals?

Breaking free of the current absolutist discourse will enable us to move onto new or as yet insufficiently explored themes. Only then will the possibility emerge of strengthening the critique from the left rather than echoing the dominant but as yet unfruitful one from the right.

The process of challenging Mr. Mugabe's credentials as a leftist, socialist or whatever label we choose to place on him is the fundamental goal of this blog and the aim of Moxizim!